By Amin M. Lakhani, Atlanta, Ga
This article is not about September 11, 2001. It is about Nov. 28, 1997 which will go down as one of the most shameful days in the history of Pakistan. On that day even the fig leaf of Democracy and Rule of Law was forcibly removed in broad daylight by the members of a political party with the tacit support from the government. In this piece I will try to focus on three questions: What happened on that day? Why should such an event be etched into public memory and how should such an event be memorialized?
What happened on that day?
On Nov 28, 1997 a few hundred members of the Pakistan Muslim League attacked the Supreme Court building in Islamabad while the full bench led by Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah was in session hearing a contempt of court case against then Prime Minister. A segment of the attack force was driven in from Lahore overnight, assembled at the Punjab House, united with local party supporters, and attacked the Supreme Court that morning. The then Punjab Chief Minister also flew into Islamabad overnight to personally supervise and direct the assault. The Army COAS, General Jehangir Karamat although informed of the impending attack, decided not to make a ‘move’, while the local police acted indifferently as bystanders..
Why should such an event be memorialized into public memory for posterity?
In order to build a vibrant civil society Pakistan will need at a minimum Democracy, Literacy and the Rule of Law. The last element cannot exist without the generation of a body of law and its application by a competent, independent and efficient judiciary. The assault by the members of a political party, which was also the ruling party, on the highest judiciary of the land has severely acted as a setback in the evolution of rule of law and democracy in Pakistan. To allow such acts to pass without serious consequences to the overt, covert and yet to be identified perpetrators of this act will suppress the evolution of democracy and rule of law and encourage similar acts in the future.
It is normal practice worldwide to celebrate victories, achievements and religious holidays. However some great nations also memorialize, if not celebrate defeats, struggles, disasters and historical injustices. Such a process allows its citizens time for reflection, introspection, repentance, forgiveness and reconciliation. By etching these events into public memory and continually nourishing them, they sharpen the ethical sensors of the people which helps in preventing similar disasters. It is with this objective that I recommend an annual memorial to the assault on the Supreme Court.
How should such an event be Memorialized?
To begin with I am suggesting a memorial and not a holiday. I believe all the newspapers should take out a Supplement on this occasion which should contain articles and photographs of the events, the Supreme Court trial itself, names, photographs and interviews with the ‘visible’ actors who committed the crime. Perhaps some of them might reveal the identities of the invisible actors and provide a behind-the-scene look at the goals, strategy, planning and execution of the deed. The Supplement should also list the names of all elected officials on that day. This includes the names of all Federal Ministers and MNA’s, Chief Ministers, Provincial Ministers and MPA’s. In addition, the Supplement should also list the names of the national, provincial and local PML high command in office on that day. It is important that these names are recorded for history including any statements or actions they claim to have taken against or in support of the assault. However, no matter what this shameless ruling class may claim today to have told Mr. Nawaz Sharif privately, it is a matter of public record that none of them felt that the crime was grave enough to tender their immediate, irreversible and unqualified resignation in protest and disgust. In my opinion every elected official who did not publicly condemn this attack and tender his/her resignation is guilty of condoning, aiding and abetting the death of democracy and the rule of law by their silence and inaction. Since these former elected officials on the “Black List” lack any ethics or shame they are likely to run for re-election in 2002 and beyond. If they do, I hope the voters and their political opponents would ask the persons on the “Black List” the following questions: Why did you not resign when the Supreme Court was assaulted by goons of your political party? If the opposition party were in power and they conducted a similar assault how would you expect their elected officials led by their Federal Cabinet to show disapproval? If your party came to power and the same incident occurred again how would you as an elected official show your disapproval the second time? However, in order that such questions to be asked the media must raise the awareness of the people to the gravity of the crime and the identity of the visible and invisible perpetrators. Hence the need to publish the “Black List” and the Supplement on an annual basis.
One of the foremost reasons of why Pakistan has been unable to build a civil society based on democracy and rule of law is that there has been no financial, political, social or institutional consequences to blunders committed by Pakistan’s ruling classes. Typically the ruling class seizes or elects itself to power, blunders and plunders while in office and retires with their honor and loot in tact. For example, what was the price paid by the hijackers of democracy in the mid-50’s, what punishment was borne by the khaki tribe of Ayub, Yahya and Zia for strangulating political activities in a country whose birth was through a political struggle and the ballot box? What punishment has been meted out to the leading actors (political, military and bureaucratic) of the East Pakistan debacle? In fact a report on the debacle would have been suppressed even to this day had it not been released by a foreign magazine. What price has been paid for corruption and misrule by the so-called democratic rulers of the post-Zia period except gilded pavilions in Ryadh, Dubai and London? I hear they are waiting with bat in hand eager to score a ‘hat-trick’ in the service of their nation! What about the accountability of the generals who lost ground in Siachen? Was it negligence, cowardice or overwhelming superiority of men and material of the opponent? The people have a right to know. And more recently, what about the accountability of the strategists (ISI, military, politicians, foreign service bureaucrats, Islamists) that placed all of Pakistan’s Afghan policy eggs into the Taliban basket? If the policy was a disaster, the ethics were unforgivable! If the people of Pakistan do not draw a red line at some time, at some place, after some blunder, one may regretfully conclude that they deserve their rulers. After all come October 12, 2002 what will stop another general (or the current one), to extend his rule for another decade in the ‘national interest’ without even the trappings of a general election? (Amin M. Lakhani was on assignment in Islamabad on Nov. 28 1997 when the Supreme Court was attacked. Currently, he lives and works in Atlanta, Ga. and can be reached at amlakhani@aol.com)